Foreign Relations¶

Choktovakian foreign policy is defined by the country's status as one of the two superpowers of Europa and by the founding posture of refused alignment between them. The Kingdom is the founder and recognized leader of the Sierra Non-Aligned Movement, the peer rival of the Federated States of Arcadia, and the patron of an extensive network of unaligned states across Sierra and beyond. The relationships radiating outward from this central posture — informal partnership with Livonia and Chartania, peer rivalry with Arcadia, cooled relations with CSAT, formal neutrality in the present wars — are the structure of modern Choktovakian diplomacy.

Alliance posture — the SNAM¶

Sierra Non-Aligned Movement (SNAM)¶

Choktovakia is the founding state and recognized leader of SNAM, the third great bloc of the post-1972 order. SNAM was constituted at the Krovar Conference of 1974 and operates on a principle of refused choice between WDP and ESA: members commit to non-alignment in great-power competition, to mutual diplomatic and economic support, and to non-interference in each other's internal affairs.

SNAM is not a defensive alliance. There is no mutual-defense clause, no integrated military command, no shared deployment commitment. What SNAM provides instead is:

A diplomatic platform for collective non-alignment in international forums
A trade and settlement framework anchored on the Kron
A pattern of bilateral relationships through which Choktovakian patronage extends to smaller member states
A common posture toward the bloc competition that none of the members alone could sustain

The Kingdom contributes the great majority of SNAM's economic weight, the entirety of its naval reach, and the institutional anchor of its diplomatic identity. Smaller member states benefit; Choktovakia accepts the asymmetry as the cost of leadership.

Informal partners — the inner circle¶

Republic of Livonia

The closest of the inner-circle partners. The Livonian-Choktovakian relationship dates to the post-1972 reconstruction and is sustained through deep commercial, intelligence, and educational ties. Livonia is the largest single trading partner; the Livonian Navy exercises annually with the Choktovakian Eastern Fleet; Krovar provides quiet diplomatic shelter for Livonian positions in international forums. The two countries are not formally allied, in keeping with the SNAM principle of refused alignment, but the substance of the relationship approaches alliance in every practical respect.
Principality of Chartania

The historical custodian of the Continental Wars armistices and the seat of the International Court — and the second of the inner-circle partners. The Chartanian-Choktovakian relationship is one of mutual diplomatic respect, dense commercial linkage, and consistent agreement on the principles of multilateral order. Chartania's neutral-host posture and Choktovakia's non-aligned leadership reinforce each other; the two countries have stood together on virtually every major post-1972 multilateral question.
Smaller SNAM and unaligned states

The wider SNAM membership and the unaligned states of Caldoria, Meridiana, and the Endorin basin look to Choktovakia for diplomatic shelter and economic depth. The pattern of bilateral relationships is dense, often quiet, and structured through cultural-educational ties, defense-industrial cooperation, and Kron-denominated commercial settlement.

Rivals and difficult relationships¶

Federated States of Arcadia — the peer rival¶

The Arcadian rivalry

The Arcadian-Choktovakian relationship is the principal great-power rivalry of the post-1972 era — and the most carefully managed. The two countries are the only two peer-scale powers on Europa; their militaries are roughly matched; their economies are the two largest on the continent.

The rivalry is cordial in form, competitive in substance. There is no outward hostility. The two countries maintain full diplomatic relations, conduct joint peacekeeping deployments under International Court auspices, exchange military attachés, and have conducted joint exercises — most notably the annual Cooperation Anvil series of joint disaster-response drills in the southern Caldorian basin. Diplomatic culture between Krovar and Tarsus is, by long convention, formally correct and personally polite.

The competition is real, however. WDP and SNAM compete for influence across Sierra, Caldoria, and Meridiana; the two militaries shadow each other's exercises and probe each other's strategic-deterrent postures; the diplomatic services compete intensely for the alignments of unaligned states; the intelligence services maintain a level of mutual surveillance that has occasionally produced public incident.

Choktovakian strategic culture treats the rivalry as the central organizing fact of the country's external posture. Liberal-internationalist Arcadia is the Crown's principal ideological adversary; the Kingdom is suspicious of WDP-aligned penetration into the SNAM membership and treats Arcadian cultural and economic influence as a strategic concern.

Confederated States of Ardun Territories — the cooled neighbor¶

CSAT

The Choktovakian-CSAT relationship has cooled steadily since the 1991 Treaty of Black Mountain. The Choktovakian view is that CSAT's mediation of the Black Mountain settlement was less peace-brokering than strategic insertion — the entrenchment of CSAT influence into the Choktovakian sphere at the moment of the Kingdom's post-war weakness. The view has hardened in the years since as the Black Mountain Brigade has developed into a militarily significant entity with documented CSAT financial and equipment support.

The opening of the Continuation War in 2026 sharpened this concern further. CSAT's role as the southern half of the ESA — and the country's covert support to the Volnian SRA — has confirmed the Krovar reading of CSAT as a strategic actor willing to operate aggressively against the established order. The Kingdom's western frontier posture is now substantially calibrated against CSAT capability.

Diplomatic relations are correct but cool. There are no active border incidents. Trade is structurally lower than the geographic logic would suggest. Choktovakian intelligence treats CSAT as a hostile service.

Democratic People's Republic of Rakutania¶

DPRR

The Choktovakian-Rakutanian relationship is correct, cool, and watchful. The two countries share a frontier in the northwest and have managed it through routine border-control cooperation, but the Rakutanian alignment with CSAT in the ESA, and the Rakutanian role as the principal land aggressor in the Continuation War, place the country firmly on the eastern bloc's side of the wider competition.

Choktovakia's neutrality in the Continuation War is calibrated as much against the prospect of Rakutanian provocation along the northwestern frontier as against any plausible WDP move.

Other relationships¶

Volnian Empire¶

The historic relationship is one of the country's most complex. The Volnian Empire is a former imperial power that lost significant territory and prestige in the Continental Wars cycle; the Volnian minority in southwestern Choktovakia is a vestige of older imperial demographics; modern bilateral relations are correct and commercially substantial. The Volnian accession to the WDP in 2026 was received in Krovar with measured concern but not as a hostile act. The petroleum-supply relationship has cooled since 2025 but contracts continue.

Leipzisch Kaiserreich¶

A respected Brassican neutral power. Cordial relations; substantial commercial ties; the two monarchies maintain a formally warm relationship through periodic royal state visits.

The Peoples International (UTSR + PRK)¶

The Brassican socialist bloc holds no direct hostility toward Choktovakia. The relationship is correct, commercially modest, and largely defined by mutual non-interference.

Sur'Bari Sultanate¶

The most important non-Sierran partnership. The Sur'Bari relationship is anchored on petroleum trade — the Sultanate is the largest single supplier of Choktovakian oil imports — and reinforced by deep cultural and educational exchange. The Sultanate is a major SNAM member.

Multilateral institutions¶

Institution	Choktovakian role
International Court (Chartania)	Charter signatory; major funder; co-author of the 1972 Treaty of Chartania
Outer Space Demilitarization Protocols	Charter signatory; one of the three founding orbital powers bound by the Protocols
SNAM	Founding state, recognized leader
SNAM Trade Settlement Union	Anchor state (Kron-denominated)
Maritime Trade Federation (MTF)	Observer; cooperative on lane-protection

Current armed conflicts¶

The Continuation War (2026– )¶

Position: Formal neutrality
Posture: Heightened defensive readiness on the western frontier, increased Eastern Fleet patrol activity in the Hinomuran and Pelwan seas
Diplomatic: Choktovakian envoys have offered good offices for any future ceasefire negotiations; the Kingdom has voted with the SNAM bloc on relevant International Court resolutions
Commercial: Trade with both WDP and ESA states continues subject to existing patterns, with no new restrictions imposed by Krovar

The Volnian Civil War (2025– )¶

Position: Formal neutrality
Posture: No public material support to either side
Diplomatic: Choktovakia has called for a negotiated settlement; has not recognized the SRA

Foreign-policy doctrine¶

The core principles of modern Choktovakian foreign policy:

Sovereignty through non-alignment — independence is preserved not by membership in either bloc but by sufficient national power to refuse them both
The Crown is the institution of strategy — the Royal Palace sets the direction; the cabinet executes
The smaller non-aligned states are our clients — Livonia, Chartania, the wider SNAM look to Krovar for shelter, and Krovar provides it
Containment of CSAT — the Black Mountain settlement is unhealed; CSAT capability and intent are watched closely
The Arcadian rivalry is permanent and manageable — peer competition is the structural fact of the era and is to be conducted with formal correctness